Pakistan’s Double Game: Why Asim Munir’s Washington visits signal yet another betrayal

Pakistan’s Army Chief, General Asim Munir, is in the United States again, his second visit in less than a month. For a country that claims to be America’s “strategic ally,” the frequency of these visits should raise eyebrows in Washington. If history is any guide, these photo-ops and diplomatic niceties will once again end in betrayal. Pakistan has mastered the art of smiling in Washington while stabbing America in the back.

This pattern is as old as the U.S.–Pakistan relationship itself. Since the Cold War, the Pakistani military has taken American money, weapons, and diplomatic cover and then used them to pursue its own narrow, destructive agenda. In the 1980s, the U.S. poured billions into Pakistan to fight the Soviets in Afghanistan. Instead of building stability, Pakistan’s intelligence service, the ISI, nurtured the very jihadist networks that would later birth the Taliban and al-Qaeda. Osama bin Laden found shelter in Abbottabad, barely a stone’s throw from Pakistan’s premier military academy, even as Islamabad swore blind loyalty to Washington.

The 2000s saw the same double game. Under the Bush administration, Pakistan was a “major non-NATO ally” in the war on terror, and yet, the Taliban leadership operated freely from Pakistani soil. American troops in Afghanistan paid with their lives while Pakistan quietly provided safe havens, training, and arms to the insurgents killing them. The betrayal was not subtle; it was strategic. And it continues to this day, with Pakistan presenting itself as a counter-terrorism partner while its territory remains the launchpad for jihadist violence from Kashmir to Kabul.

Today, Pakistan is still a terror hub pretending to be a terror fighter. From Lashkar-e-Taiba to Jaish-e-Mohammed, its soil hosts internationally designated terrorist groups that target its neighbours, particularly India and Afghanistan and spread extremist ideology far beyond the region. These groups operate under the protective shadow of the Pakistani state, which calibrates their violence to serve its geopolitical goals. The country’s “counter-terrorism” narrative is a cynical mask designed to keep U.S. aid and weapons flowing.

Against this backdrop, General Munir’s back-to-back trips to Washington take on an ominous significance. Donald Trump, who prides himself on deal-making, seems eager to revive ties with Pakistan. But the deals being floated are a textbook study in Islamabad’s deception.

First, the so-called “crypto mining partnership” reportedly involving Trump family offices and Pakistan is a con in the making. Pakistan has neither the infrastructure, the uninterrupted power supply, nor the technical expertise to mine cryptocurrency at scale. The promises being made to American partners are smoke and mirrors, a lure to bring in cash that will either be squandered or siphoned into the same opaque networks that have historically financed militancy. In a country where even basic internet access falters, the idea of a cutting-edge crypto industry is laughable.

Then there is the much-touted Trump–Pakistan oil deal, focused on Balochistan. Trump has claimed that Pakistan is sitting on untapped reserves and that American firms could reap massive gains. The reality is far less glamorous. Pakistan’s proven oil reserves are minimal, and whatever little exists has already been eyed, and in some cases, contractually promised, to Chinese companies under the China–Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC). This means Trump’s “big oil” deal is not just a mirage for the Americans; it’s also a quiet betrayal of Beijing.

Pakistan’s willingness to double-cross China should not surprise anyone. Just as it played a double game with Washington during the war on terror, it has been quietly hedging against Beijing’s dominance, even as CPEC projects are showcased as the “cornerstone” of China–Pakistan friendship. Selling overlapping promises to multiple patrons is a hallmark of Islamabad’s foreign policy, it keeps everyone hooked, confused, and paying.

Even more troubling is Pakistan’s deepening role in U.S. Central Command (CENTCOM) activities. With its long record of duplicity, Islamabad’s access to CENTCOM intelligence and planning could destabilise the Middle East. Pakistan’s military has extensive ties with extremist networks and a proven track record of leaking sensitive information to actors hostile to U.S. and allied interests. Its involvement in CENTCOM risks compromising operations in the Gulf and giving radical elements insight into American strategy in a region already on edge.

For the United States, the stakes are clear. Partnering with Pakistan has historically meant funding instability. Every dollar meant for counter-terrorism has risked flowing into the coffers of extremist proxies. Every military platform transferred has carried the danger of being turned against America’s own allies. Every intelligence-sharing agreement has come with leaks that compromise operations.

If Trump or any U.S. administration, believes that Pakistan has changed, they should look at recent facts on the ground. Pakistan continues to shield UN-designated terrorists, export jihadists into its neighbourhood, and tolerate radical preaching that fuels global extremism. Domestically, its army’s grip on politics ensures that civilian leaders who might genuinely want reform are powerless to act. The reality is stark: Pakistan is a failed state run by an egotistical, greedy military elite that prioritises its own wealth and power over the welfare of its people.

Asim Munir’s charm offensive in Washington is not about strengthening bilateral ties in good faith. It is about securing financial lifelines, political cover, and new avenues for influence, all of which will be repurposed for Pakistan’s military-industrial-terrorism complex. The crypto deal and the Balochistan oil fantasy are just the latest carrots dangled in front of an American political class eager for “wins” but unwilling to confront Pakistan’s track record of duplicity.

The lesson of the past four decades is straightforward: Pakistan will take the money, pocket the concessions, and continue doing exactly what it has always done, nurture and deploy terror as an instrument of state policy. Whether the patron is Washington or Beijing, the outcome is the same. To imagine that this time will be different is to ignore the blood and treasure already lost to Islamabad’s games.

If America falls for the pitch again, it will not only embolden Pakistan but also destabilise the region at a time when the U.S. needs reliability in its partnerships. Asim Munir’s second visit to Washington in a month should be read not as a sign of strengthening friendship, but as a warning flare: history is about to repeat itself. And when it does, the betrayal will be complete, again.